The "Bearded" Ambassador: Can "Mansaf Diplomacy" Repair Washington’s Image in Jordan?
The arrival of the new American ambassador, James Holtsnider, to Amman was far from a routine diplomatic procedure. From his first moments on the ground, he became the center of a heated public and parliamentary debate.
Between his thick beard (which sparked a social media frenzy) and his extensive field tours conducted even before the formal submission of his credentials, it appears we are facing a new breed of diplomat. These are the ambassadors who are willing to shed their formal ties and "get their hands dirty" in platters of Mansaf, seeking to reclaim a level of public affection that has been severely eroded by Washington’s perceived bias toward Israel in the region.
This intensive presence in local markets, restaurants, and tribal mourning halls (often dubbed "food diplomacy") is not merely a personal quest to discover Jordanian cuisine. At its core, it is a calculated tactic designed to break the ice between Washington and a Jordanian public simmering with resentment over American regional policies, most notably the ongoing aggression in Gaza.
A quick look at Holtsnider’s biography reveals that he is no traditional bureaucrat raised in the quiet hallways of the State Department. He is a seasoned "field man" with a rigorous military background, having previously served in the U.S. Marine Corps.
This history, combined with his deep experience in high-tension conflict zones like Mosul in Iraq and Bagram in Afghanistan, suggests that his movements through Jordanian villages and provinces are more than social visits. They appear to be a strategic reconnaissance of the "human geography" of the country.
As an expert in political-military affairs, Holtsnider likely understands that real influence in Jordan does not only flow through government offices, but begins with understanding the mood of the governorates that form the backbone of the state.
However, this grassroots momentum has not gone unnoticed under the dome of the Jordanian Parliament. Lawmakers have raised sharp questions regarding the ambassador's movements. Most recently, on December 21, MP Hussein Al-Amoush questioned whether these tours align with the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations.
The essence of the parliamentary objection lies in the fear that these social engagements could transform into "parallel political channels" that bypass official state institutions. Furthermore, there is a lingering concern that such moves could be perceived as using American economic weight to interfere in domestic affairs under the sophisticated cover of "soft diplomacy."
In an analytical reading of columnist Maher Abu Tair’s perspective, it becomes clear that "Mansaf and Shawarma diplomacy" faces a formidable wall of public awareness. Jordanians, known for their traditional hospitality, possess a sharp ability to distinguish between the "guest" and the "policy." Despite the warm reception the ambassador may receive, there remains a profound moral and political chasm caused by American support for Israel.
This is a gap that cannot be bridged by viral videos of an ambassador enjoying falafel. The ultimate challenge for Holtsnider is that the "reputational cost" of his country’s foreign policy has become so high that any attempt to improve Washington’s image is viewed by many as a mere maneuver, regardless of how well the diplomat masters the Arabic language or adopts local customs.
Conversely, the Jordanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (through Minister Ayman Safadi) sought to recalibrate the diplomatic tone, describing the tours as "natural" and within the scope of an ambassador's duties to strengthen bilateral relations.
This official stance is less about defending the ambassador and more a reflection of "Realpolitik." Jordan’s strategic interests are deeply intertwined with Washington, as the Kingdom relies heavily on American aid, which has reached record levels (exceeding $1.45 billion annually). When factoring in long-term strategic memorandums of understanding that cover sensitive economic, military, and security sectors, coordination with the U.S. Ambassador becomes a strategic necessity that the state cannot afford to bypass.












































