The Jordanian government has taken another decisive step against leaders associated with the Muslim Brotherhood, coinciding with Washington's designation of the movement's branches in Jordan, Lebanon, and Egypt as "terrorist organisations". The move carries financial penalties and administrative measures that could ripple through Jordan's political landscape.

On 12 January, in Amman, prosecutors advanced the case against seven former Muslim Brotherhood officials to the Attorney General on charges of money laundering and unauthorised fundraising. The accused include three senior figures and four administrative staffers, mainly accountants.

A source close to the investigation said the arrests and accusations came "in parallel with US pressure," adding that those detained were suspected of collecting and transferring funds to Gaza without the legal approvals required under Jordanian law.

The list of defendants includes former Muslim Brotherhood general supervisor Amjad Al-Odailah, his deputy, Ahmed Al-Zarqan, and Shura Council members Ibrahim Al-Yamani and Aref Hamdan, as well as financial officers Mohammad Alyan, Omar Yassin, and Tarek Al-Raqab.

The source noted that support for Gaza "was not unique to these individuals," but part of broader efforts by many groups and citizens to assist families in the besieged territory.

Jordanian investigations reportedly found that the Muslim Brotherhood collected more than 30 million Jordanian dinars over the past few years. Funds were sent to destinations across the Arab region and beyond. Some money was allegedly used to finance domestic political campaigns in 2024, as well as support activities and cells that were later dismantled and referred to court.

This has raised questions about whether this legal process could replace a political solution to the future of the Islamic Action Front (IAF), the Muslim Brotherhood's political arm, or if Amman will maintain a formal legal separation between the party and the now-banned movement.

Founded in 1992 under Jordan's Political Parties Law, the IAF was historically closely linked with the Muslim Brotherhood, which oversaw religious and societal outreach in the kingdom. The Muslim Brotherhood built significant influence through charities, social services, schools, and clinics, becoming a major force within Jordan's civil society, especially among middle-class and rural communities.

However, the group's economic and organisational strength waned after Jordanian authorities seized its headquarters and assets as part of broader efforts to dismantle its influence.

Legal context, political reality

The government has sought to reassure party leaders amid the fallout from the US designation, stressing that Jordan resolved the Brotherhood's legal status years ago. Government Communications Minister Mohammed Al-Momani reiterated that the Brotherhood has been legally defunct since a 2020 judiciary ruling confirmed its dissolution for failing to regularise its status.

"Jordan took decisive action beyond the judicial ruling, including a total ban on the Brotherhood's activities in April 2025," al-Momani said, emphasising that the issue was addressed within domestic law long before Washington's recent announcement. "All measures comply with the Jordanian constitution and legal framework, reflecting the independence of national decision‑making free from external dictates, while ensuring the kingdom’s security and stability."

Tensions escalated sharply in April 2025, when Jordanian security services dismantled a four‑member cell accused of attempting to manufacture homemade weapons, store explosive chemicals, and move them to unauthorised sites. Authorities said three suspects had ideological and organisational ties to the Muslim Brotherhood—a claim the government used to underscore what it saw as the group's transformation from a political actor into a security threat.

That incident marked a turning point, prompting swift action from the Interior Ministry. Former Interior Minister Mazen Al‑Farrayeh declared that despite its prior legal ban, the Brotherhood had persisted under different guises and was exploiting regional instability to undermine Jordan’s security.

IAF parliamentary spokesman Yanal Freihat echoed this distinction, rejecting the notion that the political party should be equated with the Brotherhood. He stressed that the IAF operates under Jordan's Political Parties Law as an independent legal entity with no organisational ties to the now‑dissolved movement.

Freihat reiterated that the Brotherhood has been outlawed in Jordan since 2020 and that the ban was reaffirmed in April 2025, while the IAF continued to function as a licensed and independent political party. "This legal separation has been clear and public for years," he said, adding that mischaracterising the party's status could invite unwelcome external interference.

Under Jordan's revised electoral law of 2022, which introduced party-list voting, the Islamic Action Front strengthened its parliamentary presence.

In the September 2024 elections, it secured 31 seats out of 138, gaining 17 in the national list and 14 in local districts, its most significant representation in decades.

Internal strains

Yet the implications of US and local legal pressures remain unresolved. Independent journalist Tariq Dilawani, director of Independent Arabia's Amman bureau, describes the atmosphere within the IAF as tense, marked by divisions between hardliners and factions calling for strategic concessions.

Dilawani notes that international reports now often link Jordan's Brotherhood with financial support for Hamas, transforming what was once a political dispute into a matter with regional security implications.

He says there are swirling reports of a forthcoming blacklist of individuals, potentially including current and former parliamentarians, and indicates that some local banks have frozen the accounts of leaders from both the Brotherhood and the IAF.

Regarding these financial measures, MP Freihat denied that any banks had frozen the accounts of party members as a result of the recent US decision.

Security expert Dr Omar Al‑Raddad argues that Jordan has pursued a legal‑based approach and is unlikely to dismantle the party or parliament. He believes that if the US provides specific names connected to Hamas financing, Jordan will address them individually through the courts and possibly impose targeted asset freezes.

Economic impact

The Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan enjoys extensive financial and service influence, primarily centred in the Islamic Centre Charity Society (ICCS). This organisation serves as the group’s massive economic arm, with assets estimated at over 1.5 billion dollars. Its investment network includes major hospitals, such as the Islamic Hospital, approximately 27 schools, and dozens of medical and educational centres spread across all governorates.

This "empire" plays a vital role in social security by sponsoring more than 22,000 orphans and caring for thousands of impoverished families, in addition to being a major employer for thousands of Jordanians.

In this context, economic expert Mohammad Al-Bashir confirmed that while there are no specific economic studies on this matter, the impact of freezing the group's activities will be significant on the communities where it operates, given the widespread presence of its institutions, schools, and educational and missionary associations across various Jordanian governorates, districts, and villages.

Al-Bashir explained that “this closure will result in depriving broad segments of citizens who used to receive support from these charitable arms”.

"Furthermore, it will lead to job losses for many workers in these sectors, contributing to the rise of unemployment rates in Jordan, which stand at 21.30%," Al-Bashir added.

Al-Bashir pointed out that "the economic damage will extend to include suppliers who provided these institutions with goods and services, as they have been deprived of important marketing channels due to the cessation of the consumer operations of those facilities".

He also warned that "the sudden closure might send worrying signals to investors and supporters, especially since the group possesses capital at both the Arab and international levels that could have been directed toward investment in Jordan, which enjoys a stable and encouraging investment environment".

Bashir noted that the absence of these institutions' role will double the pressure on Jordanian household budgets, even if this impact is limited on the Jordanian economy as a whole, amid rising costs of education, health, and living, after having historically contributed to alleviating these burdens.

The fate of the Islamic Action Front now hinges on a delicate balance of law and politics.

While the state emphasises adherence to constitutional procedure, the party insists it remains a legitimate, independent actor despite historical links to the Muslim Brotherhood. With regional tensions high and domestic sentiment sharply divided, all scenarios remain on the table, from gradual marginalisation or judicial dissolution to a recalibration of the party’s role that aligns with the state's security priorities.

*Newarab